Bearings

Sep 10, 2026
Sep 10, 2026
COGNITIVE BIAS · peer-reviewed study · 2002

You Understand Less Than You Think You Do

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Setup. In 2002, Yale researchers Leonid Rozenblit and Frank Keil asked college students to rate how well they understood everyday devices: a zipper, a flush toilet, a piano key. Most rated themselves confident.

The finding. The researchers then asked each student to explain, step by step, exactly how the device worked, and to rerate their understanding afterward. Confidence collapsed. Across the group, "ratings were lower after generating an explanation, suggesting they then began to understand that they lacked understanding of that item after attempting to explain." The gap appears only for causal, mechanistic knowledge, not for facts or skills people already perform.

Where it stands. The finding is well replicated and distinct from the Dunning-Kruger effect, which measures skill rather than understanding of a mechanism. A 2018 study extended it to politics, tying the illusion to support for conspiracy theories, and found that asking someone to explain a policy, rather than defend it, measurably lowers their certainty. It is one of the few biases anyone can test on the spot: try explaining how a bicycle derailleur shifts gears.

Leonid Rozenblit and Frank Keil · Wikipedia, 2002
ECONOMICS · 1865 economic argument, revisited by modern research · 1865

More Efficient Fuel Use Can Increase Fuel Consumption

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Setup. In 1865, the English economist William Stanley Jevons was writing into a national panic: Britain worried its coal reserves were running out, and many experts argued that more efficient engines would stretch the supply. Jevons checked what had actually happened since James Watt improved the steam engine's fuel efficiency a century earlier.

The argument. Coal use had not fallen. It had climbed, because cheaper power per unit of coal made steam engines profitable in far more industries. "It is a confusion of ideas to suppose that the economical use of fuel is equivalent to diminished consumption. The very contrary is the truth," Jevons wrote. Economists later named the mechanism the rebound effect: efficiency lowers the effective cost of a resource, and if demand is elastic enough, total use rises.

Where it stands. The paradox holds only under specific conditions, mainly elastic demand. Food is a documented counterexample: farm productivity gains lowered prices without raising consumption, since people do not eat much more when food gets cheaper. The pattern is now the standard lens for asking whether AI's falling cost per token will shrink or expand total compute demand.

William Stanley Jevons · Wikipedia, 1865
PROCUREMENT ECONOMICS · practitioner's account, backed by a GAO report · Sep 2026

Cost-Plus Contracts Reward Shipyards for Working Slowly

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Setup. Rear Admiral Kavon Hakimzadeh commands Norfolk Naval Shipyard, where nuclear submarines and carriers go in for repair. His mandate is to return warships to the fleet fast. Over the past decade, a government watchdog found, maintenance delays on attack submarines alone cost "15,000 lost operational days and an estimated $3.4 billion in costs." Hakimzadeh traces a share of that to how the Navy pays its private repair contractors.

The argument. Much of that work is billed cost-plus: the contractor is reimbursed for costs plus a fixed fee, rather than paid a set price. Hakimzadeh works the arithmetic. A job estimated at $10 million with a $700,000 fixed fee pays the contractor $700,000 whether the real cost is $8 million or balloons to $15 million. The government absorbs the overrun. The contractor's incentive to control it disappears.

Where it stands. This is one officer's diagnosis, not an audited study, but the mechanism, a fixed fee plus reimbursed cost removes the contractor's downside, is textbook principal-agent economics. His fix, moving to fixed-price contracts once repair scope is known, carries its own risk: in a market with few qualified shipyards, a fixed price can drive contractors out of the business.

Kavon Hakimzadeh · War on the Rocks, Sep 2026
EPISTEMICS · internet adage traced through documented misinformation cases · 2013

Debunking Nonsense Takes an Order of Magnitude More Effort

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Setup. In 2013 an Italian programmer, Alberto Brandolini, named something anyone who has argued online already feels: making a false claim is fast, and taking it apart is slow. He called it the bullshit asymmetry principle.

The argument. "The amount of energy needed to refute bullshit is an order of magnitude bigger than that needed to produce it," Brandolini's law states. The documented cases show why: a fraudulent 1998 vaccine-autism paper still shapes vaccine hesitancy decades after its retraction, and a fabricated Sandy Hook rumor spread to over 92,000 shares in 2013 despite an immediate Snopes debunking. A correct refutation has to be accurate, complete and not insulting, which takes far longer to build than a false claim takes to state.

Where it stands. This is an adage, not a measured law. Brandolini offered a ratio of effort, not a formula. Its durability comes from precedent: close versions of the same observation appear in Jonathan Swift's 1710 writing and a 19th-century economist's essay, which suggests the asymmetry is structural to argument itself, not new to social media.

Alberto Brandolini · Wikipedia, 2013
REGULATORY ECONOMICS · analysis of code history and comparative safety data · Jun 2026

A 1970 Guess Still Sets US Subway Safety Rules

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Setup. American subway tunnels must have an escape passage to the next tunnel every 800 feet, under a fire code called NFPA 130. Each cross-passage costs $1 million to $10 million, mostly using slow drill-and-blast methods, since it cannot be dug by the main tunnel-boring machine. European tunnels use a spacing more than double that.

The finding. The 800-foot figure traces to the 1970 design of Atlanta's MARTA metro, based on how far officials guessed a passenger could walk from a fire before flashover. It was never re-derived for other cities, and "the NFPA has admitted to a “lack of technical substantiation” for its cross-passage spacing requirements." London and New York run comparably sized systems with comparably low fatality rates, despite London's passages sitting twice as far apart.

Where it stands. This is one engineer's brief for a code change, not a neutral audit, but the comparative safety numbers come from national safety agencies on both sides of the Atlantic, and a separate consultant analysis for Cairo's metro put the cost-to-safety-benefit ratio above 10. The code is due for revision by 2029, and the author argues agencies can adopt wider spacing now, without waiting.

Brian Potter · Construction Physics, Jun 2026
Sep 9, 2026
URBAN ECONOMICS · quantitative analysis across 37 US cities and four countries · Jul 2026

Environmental Law Quietly Ended All US Land Reclamation

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Setup. American coastal cities used to grow by building new land into the water. Boston's Back Bay, Chicago's Northerly Island, and the ground under Newark, Logan and SFO airports all began as shallow bay. About 8 percent of the land in major US coastal cities was made this way, and land values there have since risen thirtyfold.

The finding. Economist Maxwell Tabarrok tested the two standard explanations for why reclamation stopped: that cities ran out of shallow water, or that better transport made new land unnecessary. Neither fits the timing. The halt is near-simultaneous across every city he could measure, and lines up with NEPA, the Clean Water Act, and related laws passed in the 1970s. "Of the 37 cities for which we can find data, every one reclaimed land more slowly after 1970, with many, such as Seattle and Chicago, slowing to zero." One Virginia port expansion has now taken 28 years and counting.

Where it stands. This is a data-driven analysis, not a peer-reviewed paper, built from reclamation rates, water depth and cost history. It gains support from an almost identical stop in the Netherlands, Germany, France and Canada, each right after its own environmental law. The weaker link is causation: the same-decade pattern across countries is suggestive, not proof.

Maxwell Tabarrok · Works in Progress, Jul 2026
PSYCHOLOGY · named effect, replicated across decades of behavioral experiments · 2007

Compassion Collapses at the Second Victim, Not the Thousandth

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Setup. A single named victim reliably moves people to give. Add a second victim and the pull already weakens. Psychologist Paul Slovic named this compassion fade: empathy and donations fall as the number of people needing help rises, the opposite of how a rational value of lives should behave.

The finding. Slovic's research puts a number on the drop. In one measure of willingness to pay for saving lives, "when one life is at risk, the value is $100; when ten lives are at risk, the value decreases to $80; and when fifty lives are at risk, the value decreases to $50." The mechanism runs through the affect heuristic: people respond to a vivid image of one victim, which a crowd cannot supply, so the fast emotional system disengages. People who reason more numerically show a flatter, more rational curve.

Where it stands. This is a well-replicated finding across decades of Slovic's lab work and related research on the identifiable victim effect and the bystander effect. It explains a real pattern in charitable giving and disaster response, not just a lab curiosity. The open question is how much of the effect is fixed wiring versus something that better framing of statistics can correct.

Paul Slovic · Wikipedia, 2007
DECISION THEORY · controlled comparison against statistical models, out-of-sample · 1996

A One-Cue Rule Beats Regression at Prediction

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Setup. Standard decision theory assumes a good choice weighs every available reason and combines them. Psychologists Gerd Gigerenzer and Daniel Goldstein tested a cruder rule against that assumption: look at cues one at a time, ranked by how reliable each has been before, and stop the moment the first one tells the options apart.

The finding. They set the heuristic against linear regression on the task of naming the larger of two German cities from partial clues, such as whether each is a state capital. Fit to known data, regression won by a hair. Tested on new, unseen city pairs, the simple rule pulled ahead: "regression had on average 71.9% correct, Take-the-best had 72.2% correct, and unit with linear had 71.4% correct. The take-the-best heuristic was more accurate than regression in this case." The same one-reason approach has since modeled how customs officers and burglars decide.

Where it stands. This is a measured, replicated result in the "fast and frugal heuristics" research program, not a single anecdote. It holds specifically for generalizing to new cases under uncertainty, where a complex model can overfit; regression still wins when fitting known data. The lesson transfers to any setting where more inputs get added for their own sake.

Gerd Gigerenzer and Daniel Goldstein · Wikipedia, 1996
POLITICAL ECONOMY · analysis in a 2026 book, reviewed by an academic economist · Aug 2026

Big Tech Rules Through Networks It Does Not Own

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Setup. Older monopolies grew by owning their whole supply chain. Economist Cecilia Rikap's new book "The Rulers" argues today's technology giants, Apple, Amazon, Microsoft, Alphabet, no longer need to own a business to control it, and asks how that changes corporate power.

The argument. Rikap calls these firms "intellectual monopolies." They fund and coordinate networks of nominally independent companies that generate knowledge the parent firm can extract value from without owning them outright. "Uber has invested in over 30 autonomous vehicle companies to ensure an early foothold in the market for self-driving cars, for example," reviewer Tim Christiaens writes. That control produces two kinds of power: surveillance, from pooling data across the network, and chokepoints, like TSMC's grip on chip production, that let a firm set terms for everyone downstream.

Where it stands. The book's account of how these networks work, documented across venture funding, cloud contracts, and research funding, is treated by the reviewer as its strongest contribution. Rikap's proposed fix, full government "decoupling" from Big Tech infrastructure, is offered with less evidence than the diagnosis and reads as more aspirational.

Tim Christiaens · LSE Review of Books, Aug 2026
GAME THEORY · political science model, tested against two historical cases · 1988

Domestic Politics Decides Which International Deals Survive

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Setup. A treaty is not settled at the negotiating table alone. Political scientist Robert Putnam modeled international bargaining as two games running at once: one between the two governments, and one between each government and the domestic groups who must ratify whatever it signs.

The argument. Putnam calls the range of deals a country's domestic side will accept its "win-set." "International agreements only occur when there is an overlap between the win-sets of the states involved in the international negotiations." A government with a narrow win-set, tight domestic support, can gain leverage abroad, since it can credibly say its hands are tied. The model traces to a real failure: Anglo-Argentine talks before the Falklands War produced tentative deals that domestic politics on both sides never ratified.

Where it stands. This is a structural framework, not a single measured effect, and it has stayed the standard way political scientists explain why technically sound deals collapse, from the Falklands to recent climate negotiations. Its limit is that a "win-set" is easier to name after a negotiation fails than to measure in advance.

Robert D. Putnam · Wikipedia, 1988
Sep 8, 2026
PHILOSOPHY OF MIND · an essayist's argument built on a 1929 philosophical manuscript and psychology experiments · Aug 2026

Why Generalizations Survive The Exceptions That Refute Them

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Setup. In 1929 the philosopher Frank Ramsey wrote private notes on what it means to believe a generalization, such as "all humans are mortal." His friend Richard Braithwaite found the notes after Ramsey died at 26. Ramsey broke from his mentor Ludwig Wittgenstein, who held that a generalization is really an infinite list of facts about each case.

The argument. Ramsey argued that believing a generalization means holding a disposition, a habit for treating any new case a certain way, not a claim about every case at once. Writer Tom Ralston extends this to "generic" claims without a quantifier, like "cats are furry" or "mosquitoes carry West Nile virus." These survive known exceptions because they never claimed to cover every case. "People will accept that mosquitoes carry the West Nile virus even when they are aware that only 1 per cent of mosquitoes are carriers," Ralston writes, citing philosopher Sarah-Jane Leslie. Stereotypes share this structure.

Where it stands. The universal-versus-generic distinction is well established in philosophy of language and explains a real asymmetry: one exception kills "all cats are furry" but not "cats are furry." Whether this excuses stereotyping, rather than only explaining it, stays a live disagreement.

Tom Ralston · Aeon, Aug 2026
ECONOMIC HISTORY · a 1944 doctoral thesis, contested with numbers on both sides · 1944 to present

Britain Freed The Slaves When Slavery Stopped Paying, Not Before

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Setup. Eric Williams, later Trinidad and Tobago's first prime minister, published his Oxford doctoral thesis in 1944. He asked why Britain abolished the slave trade in 1807 and slavery in 1833, against the standard account crediting abolitionist moral conviction.

The argument. Williams argued the timing was economic: by the 1820s Caribbean sugar plantations had exhausted their soil and profits were falling, and Britain's turn toward free trade and industrial capital no longer needed the triangular trade. He also argued slave-trade profits had helped finance the Industrial Revolution.

Where it stands. The debate has run for eighty years with real numbers on both sides. "Stanley Engerman finds that even without subtracting the associated costs of the slave trade or reinvestment of profits, the total profits from the slave trade and of West Indian plantations amounted to less than 5% of the British economy during any year of the Industrial Revolution," cutting against the financing claim. Historian Seymour Drescher countered that abolition came while the colonies were still profitable, driven instead by public moral outrage. Both theses have genuine evidence behind them.

Eric Williams · Capitalism and Slavery, 1944
TERRORISM STUDIES · a database study of 315 attacks, contested on methodology grounds · 2005

Suicide Terrorism Targets Occupation, Not Religion

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Setup. Political scientist Robert Pape built a database of every suicide terrorist attack worldwide from 1980 to 2003, all 315 of them, at the University of Chicago. Before this, explanations for suicide terrorism leaned on Islamic fundamentalism or economic desperation. Pape set out to test that assumption against the full record instead of a handful of cases.

The finding. Pape classified 301 attacks into 18 campaigns by 11 groups and found a pattern: "what nearly all suicide terrorist attacks have in common is a specific secular and strategic goal: to compel modern democracies to withdraw military forces from territory that the terrorists consider to be their homeland." Only one of the ten main groups shared a religion with its occupier. Attackers were rarely poor or isolated. Most were educated and socially integrated.

Where it stands. The 315-attack database is real and widely cited, but Princeton political scientists Ashworth, Clinton, Meirowitz, and Ramsay showed Pape sampled only cases with suicide terrorism, not the 49 of 58 democratic occupations that produced none, leaving the actual cause of the split untested. The occupation pattern in his data holds. What explains it remains disputed.

Robert Pape · Dying to Win, 2005
ORGANIZATIONAL THEORY · a 1963 academic book, foundational and still cited · 1963

Firms Settle For Good Enough, Not The Best Possible

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Setup. Economic textbooks model a firm as a single rational actor maximizing profit under perfect information. In 1952, economist Richard Cyert and political scientist James March met at Carnegie Mellon and set out to test that model against how real firms actually decide.

The argument. Cyert and March described a firm as a coalition of managers, workers, and shareholders, each with different goals and information, that negotiates rather than optimizes. "Cyert and March proposed that real firms aim at satisficing rather than maximizing their results," settling for good enough instead of the best possible outcome. The gap between total resources and what efficiency strictly requires, paid out as high dividends, low prices, or excess wages, they called organizational slack. Rather than a flaw, they argued it stabilizes the coalition and gives the firm room to adapt.

Where it stands. The theory reshaped organizational research and later work on organizational learning and firm strategy. Critics call the coalition model unnecessarily complex and still defend profit maximization over satisficing as the better predictor. Six decades on, both the theory and the argument against it remain active.

Richard Cyert and James March · A Behavioral Theory of the Firm, 1963
HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY · a 1997 academic book, widely reviewed · 1997

Continents Are A Cultural Map, Not A Natural One

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Setup. School geography divides the world into seven continents, treated as if the divisions were as natural as mountains or rivers. In 1997, geographer Martin Lewis and historian Kären Wigen set out to trace where that seven-part scheme actually came from.

The argument. Lewis and Wigen showed the standard continents, and categories like East versus West or First World versus Third World, are historical inventions layered onto a physical world that does not respect them. "The authors trace the historical development of these misconceptions and highlight the interconnectedness of Europe, Asia, and Africa as part of a single landmass," one summary notes. They proposed replacing the scheme with regions defined by shared history rather than by supposed continental traits.

Where it stands. Reviewers across geography, history, and anthropology called the historical critique sound and well documented. Their own replacement scheme drew real pushback: a New York Times review noted it applies language as the defining trait in some regions and race in others, the same kind of inconsistency the book set out to expose in the old system.

Martin W. Lewis and Kären E. Wigen · The Myth of Continents, 1997
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