Bearings

Sep 26, 2026
Sep 26, 2026
EDUCATION POLICY · essayist's argument built on exam records and interviews, Sep 2026

Skills-Based Curriculum Reform Widened Inequality, Not Closed It

Setup. Between 1990 and 2010, Scotland, Sweden, France, Germany, Japan and England each rewrote their school curricula around one idea: general thinking skills like analysis and synthesis can be taught apart from specific content. Left-wing reformers wanted equity. Free-market reformers wanted efficiency. Both reached the same fix.

The argument. Scotland's 2011 Curriculum for Excellence deleted the fixed reading lists and grammar rules of its "Great Tradition," which once required every pupil to master Shakespeare and Chaucer before graduating. Exam questions now accept any book, film or television episode as evidence. Reading, writing and math scores fell in every country that tried the reform, and in Scotland the gap between rich and poor pupils widened instead of closing.

Where it stands. Six countries with different politics converged on the same untested theory, stronger evidence than one country's story alone. It is not a controlled experiment, so other forces moving through the same decades could share the blame. But no country has reversed the reform, and its defenders call for more of it, which says something about how sticky a plausible theory becomes once an institution adopts it.

Unknown · Asterisk Magazine · Sep 2026 ↗
FAMILY PSYCHOLOGY · peer-reviewed longitudinal study by Rand Conger, 1994

Economic Hardship Reaches Children Through A Specific Chain

Setup. Poverty correlates with worse outcomes for children, but the path from a parent's paycheck to a child's behavior is not obvious. In 1994, sociologist Rand Conger and colleagues proposed a specific chain to explain it, using families in rural Iowa hit by the 1980s farm economy decline.

The finding. Economic pressure does not damage children directly. It first produces depression and hostility in the caregiver, which raises conflict between parents, which raises parental hostility toward the child, which then produces the child's behavior problems. Conger's 1994 study followed 378 two-parent families over three years and found each separate link in that chain, not a direct line from income to child outcome. The model has since replicated in Black, Hispanic and Asian American families.

Where it stands. This model has replicated across three decades and several ethnic groups, which is rare for a family-process theory. Its early weakness, no longitudinal proof of causation, has been answered by later multi-year studies tracking the same families through each step. What remains open is which link in the chain is most fixable: caregiver mental health, parental conflict, or the parenting behavior itself.

Rand D. Conger et al. · Family Stress Model, 1994 ↗
POLITICAL ECONOMY · essayist's argument built on a court ruling, Sep 2026

Taxing Illiquid Ownership Can Force Founders To Sell Control

Setup. A wealth tax on billionaires sounds like it just moves money around. California's Proposition 40 would tax up to 5 percent of a billionaire's net worth, including stakes in companies that have never sold a share and have no market price, like the family-owned In-N-Out Burger.

The argument. A founder who owns a company outright controls its mission, not just a claim on future cash. To pay a tax on an inferred paper value, she must sell shares, and the first outside buyer changes what she is legally allowed to do. The 2005 Delaware ruling in eBay v. Newmark forced Craigslist's founders to run the company for shareholder value once eBay bought a minority stake, rejecting their wish to keep it a free community service. A wealth tax on illiquid ownership risks the same result: the state cannot seize control without paying for it, but a large enough tax bill can compel a founder to sell down to that same outcome.

Where it stands. This is one essayist's legal argument, not a ruling on a wealth tax itself, so the constitutional claim is untested. The mechanism it names, that illiquid control has no price until forced to sell, is real and shown by the cited case law. Whether courts would treat this effect as an unconstitutional taking stays open, tied to Proposition 40's vote this November.

Unknown · Palladium Magazine · Sep 2026 ↗
SOCIOLOGY · foundational doctoral thesis, 1893

Interdependence, Not Shared Belief, Holds Modern Society Together

Setup. Émile Durkheim's 1893 doctoral thesis asked a basic question: what actually holds a society together once people no longer live, believe and work alike? His answer split social order into two distinct types depending on how much a society's members resemble each other.

The argument. In small, "primitive" societies, Durkheim argued that order comes from mechanical solidarity: people think and act alike, share a collective conscience, and treat crime as an offense against that shared conscience, punished harshly. In advanced industrial societies, order instead comes from organic solidarity, where people are specialized and different from each other, and depend on one another precisely because none of them can do everything alone. Law shifts from punitive to restitutive, aiming to restore a broken relationship rather than avenge a violated norm.

Where it stands. This is a foundational argument, not a measured result, built from historical comparison rather than data Durkheim collected himself. It shaped a century of sociology and still frames how the field thinks about legal systems and social cohesion. Its main vulnerability is the same as any grand nineteenth-century stage theory: it assumes societies move in one direction, from mechanical to organic, and does not easily account for reversals or mixed cases.

Émile Durkheim · The Division of Labour in Society, 1893 ↗
CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY · a 1946 classification, later contested

Cultures Pick Different Emotions To Enforce The Same Norms

Setup. Anthropologist Ruth Benedict popularized a split between cultures that keep order through internal guilt and cultures that keep order through external shame, in her 1946 study contrasting the United States and Japan. Later writers added a third category for order kept through simple fear of physical harm.

The argument. In a guilt culture, the question a person asks before acting is "is this fair," enforced by an internalized conscience that punishes the person even if no one else finds out. In a shame culture the same question becomes "how will this look," enforced by external ostracism rather than private conscience, which is why honor and revenge dynamics show up far more often in shame-based societies. A fear culture skips both and relies on the threat of direct retaliation.

Where it stands. This is a classification, not a tested mechanism, and anthropologists have long debated how cleanly any real culture sorts into one bucket. Confucian China, for instance, explicitly built shame into formal moral education, which the framework predicts, but most societies run mixed systems of guilt, shame and fear at once. Treat it as a lens for asking what actually enforces a given norm, not as a clean label for a country.

Ruth Benedict · The Chrysanthemum and the Sword, 1946 ↗
Sep 25, 2026
SCIENCE POLICY · policy analysis, sourced to EPA and legislative records · Sep 2026

A 1970s Chemical Law Still Blocks Engineered Microbes

Setup. In 1986, White House lawyers decided that a 1976 law written to regulate industrial chemicals, the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA), would also cover genetically engineered microbes, on the theory that a genome counts as a chemical. Combining DNA from two different genera triggers full review.

What happened. The rule became a de facto freeze. "Since that decision, development of microbes covered by the law has frozen. The TSCA is a regulatory black hole: between 1987 and 2018, researchers filed more than 240 applications. Only a few were ever approved for widespread use." Microbes that eat plastic, pull rare metals from ore, or detect landmines exist in labs but rarely reach the field, since approval can mean an indefinite "consent order" with no published criteria.

Where it stands. The 1986 logic was reasonable at the time, when almost no field data existed on engineered organisms in the wild. Four decades of trials since then show most released microbes die off fast, one lab strain of E. coli dropped 100,000-fold in soil within eight days, yet the law was never updated. Brazil and Israel approve comparable releases in months, not decades.

Niko McCarty · Works in Progress · Sep 2026 ↗
MILITARY HISTORY · 2015 economic-history book by Philip T. Hoffman, contested by reviewers

A War Tournament Model Explains Europe's Global Rise

Setup. By 1914 Europeans controlled 84 percent of the world's land surface, up from 35 percent in 1800. Economic historian Philip T. Hoffman set out to explain why Europe, not China, Japan, the Ottomans, or India, built the gunpowder edge that made this possible, rejecting disease and simple political fragmentation as sufficient answers.

The argument. Hoffman models early modern warfare as a repeated tournament: rulers who fought often, against evenly matched rivals, over a prize worth taxing heavily for, and who could copy each other's weapons freely, kept improving their guns through sheer repetition. Only Western Europe met all four conditions continuously from 1400 to 1800. "In the 1780s France was devoting more than 7 percent of GDP to war and Britain 12 percent, well over twice the Chinese level; the rate of fire of French infantry rose tenfold between 1600 and 1750."

Where it stands. Reviewers call the comparative range a major contribution, and the quantified war-spending data is hard to dispute. The debate is over what drove the fighting: historian John Darwin doubted that glory and profit motivated European rulers more than their rivals, and Walter Scheidel credits Europe's distance from steppe invaders as much as culture.

Philip T. Hoffman · Why Did Europe Conquer the World? (2015) · Wikipedia ↗
SOCIOLOGY OF IDEAS · an essayist's argument built on five historical cases · Aug 2026

Ideas Only Spread After High-Status People Reclaim Them

Setup. Economist Robin Hanson asks why ideas from low-status people get ignored until someone more prestigious repackages them. He argues society is anti-domination in principle but pro-prestige in practice, and that shapes whose ideas get heard and who gets the credit.

The argument. Hanson calls this "stigma pollution": once an ordinary person argues publicly for an idea, elites become less willing to back it, so it waits for a high-status figure to relaunch it as something new. "Richard Stallman’s software concept wasn’t accepted until rebranded as “open source”, Semmelweis’s hand-washing was rejected until Pasteur and Lister’s reintroduction, continental drift was first rejected by geologists due to Wegener being an outsider, Mendel’s genetics was ignored until insider Botanists pushed it, and Democrats rejected Republic health insurance individual mandate proposals until Obama claimed his version was fundamentally different."

Where it stands. Each named case is real and documented on its own. What Hanson has not shown is that status explains the delay more than other factors, like timing or how strong the evidence looked when each idea first appeared.

Robin Hanson · Overcoming Bias · Aug 2026 ↗
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY · named effect, 1966 study plus later research

Top Students At Elite Schools Rate Themselves Lower

Setup. In 1966 sociologist James A. Davis noticed that college men's career ambitions tracked their GPA relative to their own classmates, not their school's actual prestige. He named the pattern the "frog pond effect": a big frog in a little pond feels bigger than a little frog in a big pond.

The finding. People judge their own ability mainly by comparing themselves to whoever is nearby, a bias researchers call the local dominance effect. In one study of elite-college applicants, "participants were two-thirds as likely to prefer being a part of a less exclusive group where they were ranked only slightly above average compared to being included in a high-performing group where they were not ranked as high."

Where it stands. The effect is replicated across school and workplace settings, including a documented downside: strong students at high-achieving schools can rate their own ability lower, and face worse odds at elite-college admission, than equally able students from average schools. Its size varies by culture and by how much someone's self-esteem depends on the group.

James A. Davis · Frog pond effect · Wikipedia ↗
DECISION THEORY · philosophical heuristic proposed by Bostrom and Ord

A Test For Spotting Hidden Status Quo Bias

Setup. People often object to a proposed change to some human trait or policy, like raising intelligence through enhancement, without asking whether they would also object to moving it the other way. Philosophers Nick Bostrom and Toby Ord built a test to catch this pattern.

The argument. "Reversal Test: When a proposal to change a certain parameter is thought to have bad overall consequences, consider a change to the same parameter in the opposite direction. If this is also thought to have bad overall consequences, then the onus is on those who reach these conclusions to explain why our position cannot be improved through changes to this parameter. If they are unable to do so, then we have reason to suspect that they suffer from status quo bias."

Where it stands. The test is a diagnostic, not proof that any given objection is wrong, and its authors added a "double reversal test" for cases where both directions look bad. Philosopher Christian Weidemann's objection: real transition costs can make keeping the status quo genuinely correct even when the test flags it as suspect.

Nick Bostrom and Toby Ord · Reversal test · Wikipedia ↗
Sep 24, 2026
SOCIOLOGY OF DEVIANCE · covert field study, 1970 book by Laud Humphreys

Secret Deviants Overcompensate With Public Righteousness

Setup. In 1968 sociologist Laud Humphreys covertly studied "tearoom trade," anonymous sex between men in public restrooms. He posed as a lookout to observe the encounters, then traced participants through their license plates and interviewed many of them later under a false identity as a health researcher.

What happened. Humphreys found that 54% of his subjects were outwardly heterosexual, married men with no public tie to homosexuality. To manage a stigma they could not disclose, they put on a "breastplate of righteousness", a public front of political and social conservatism, specifically to hide their private deviation from the norm they enforced in public.

Where it stands. The core finding, that a hidden identity produces exaggerated public conformity, is still cited in sociology of deviance. The method that produced it is not defensible today: Humphreys deceived his subjects and tracked them without consent. Treat this as one uncontrolled case study, not a survey, and its ethics debate, per sociologist Earl Babbie, has never been resolved.

Laud Humphreys · Tearoom Trade: Impersonal Sex in Public Places (1970) · Wikipedia ↗
SOCIOLOGY OF LAW · general theory, 1976 book by Donald Black

Law Grows With Social Distance, Not Severity

Setup. In 1976 sociologist Donald Black published a general theory of law that treats law itself, arrests, lawsuits, prosecutions, as a measurable quantity, and set out to explain why some conflicts produce a lawsuit and others do not, using social structure alone, never individual motives.

The argument. Black's central claim is that law increases with social distance. Close relationships, family, friends, neighbors, settle disputes without it; strangers and institutions turn to it. He extended the same logic to rank (higher-status people invoke law more) and organization (a group sues an individual far more often than the reverse).

Where it stands. This produced real, testable predictions, and some failed a direct test. Researchers checking victim reporting behavior against National Crime Survey data found that whether a crime got reported tracked its seriousness far more than the victim's social rank. Black's defenders call these partial tests of a theory meant to apply broadly. Treat it as a structural argument only partly supported by later data.

Donald Black · The Behavior of Law (1976) · Wikipedia ↗
GLOBAL HEALTH POLICY · magazine analysis of a documented regulatory case · Sep 2026

Zambia Approved A Drug By Trusting Other Regulators

Setup. Poor countries often wait four to seven years to approve a drug already cleared in rich ones, because their regulators lack the staff for a full independent review. Zambia's medicines regulator has about 150 staff, versus roughly 1,000 at Australia's counterpart for a similar population, and mostly handles generic drugs.

What happened. For the HIV-prevention drug lenacapavir, the maker ran the drug through the FDA, then the EMA's program built for reviewing drugs on poorer countries' behalf, then WHO prequalification, each step reusing the last one's work and inviting Zambia's own experts to watch. Zambia's regulator then verified the product matched what it had reviewed and approved it in 12 working days.

Where it stands. The article names its mechanism, "regulatory reliance," and gives concrete times at each stage: FDA six months, EMA 120 days, WHO 36 days, Zambia 12 days. It is one documented case, not a survey, and the reporting is Asterisk's, not the regulator's own data. The reliance framework itself predates this case by decades.

Asterisk Magazine · How Zambia Approved an HIV Drug in 12 Days · Sep 2026 ↗
PUBLIC POLICY · essayist's five-year follow-up on his own argument · Sep 2026

Convincing Skeptics Online Mattered Less Than Doing Homework

Setup. In 2021 Lars Doucet wrote a widely read review of Henry George's 1879 book Progress and Poverty, arguing that landowners capture value that public investment and growth create, and that a land value tax could recapture it instead of taxing labor or capital.

The argument. Five years on, Doucet says his theory of political change was wrong. Winning arguments with online skeptics barely mattered. What worked was finding legislators already open to the idea and doing their analysis for them: free maps showing exactly how much of a city's land value sits idle, including over $3.5 billion locked in Houston's surface parking alone.

Where it stands. The land-value figures come from Doucet's own advocacy organization, not an independent audit, and he is reporting on a campaign he runs. The legislative record is independently checkable and growing: enablement laws passed in Virginia and Kentucky this year, a constitutional amendment introduced in Ohio, and a UK prime minister and South Korean president who both back land value tax. Treat it as an argument with a real, growing track record, not a settled result.

Lars Doucet · Astral Codex Ten (guest post) · Sep 2026 ↗
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY · two named experiments, 1980 and 1985 papers

A Single Leader's Choice Reads As Group Opinion

Setup. In 1985 psychologists Scott Allison and David Messick tested how people read group decisions. They showed subjects a public policy decided one of three ways: by a single leader with no vote, by a vote near 50%, or by a vote over 90% in favor.

The finding. Only the 90% vote should tell an outside observer anything about individual members' real views. Instead, subjects credited the decision to individual attitudes in all three cases, including when one leader decided it alone. A related 1980 study had already found that a single welfare recipient's case study shaped subjects' opinion of welfare recipients generally, even after they were told the case was atypical.

Where it stands. The 1980 result held even when subjects were handed statistics contradicting the case, which is a strong form of the bias. Later work by Leila Worth and Scott Allison found the error grows stronger toward groups seen as unfamiliar or hostile, and mostly disappears toward one's own group. Neither original paper reports a clean effect size in percentage terms, so treat this as a reliable pattern in direction, not magnitude.

Scott Allison and David Messick · Group attribution error · Wikipedia ↗
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